INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY
Fundamentally based on the principles of peaceful co-existence, friendship and co-operation among all the countries of the world irrespective of their political systems.
Constitutional Provisions
Article 51
- Promote international peace and security and maintain just and honourable relations between nations.
- Foster respect for international law and treaty obligations.
- Encourage settlement of international disputes by arbitration.
Six broad phases:
- The First phase (1947-62): Optimistic Non-Alignment
- Period of a bipolar world: The United States and the USSR
- India’s objectives
- Resist dilution of its sovereignty
- Rebuild its economy and
- Consolidate its integrity
- Five principles of peaceful coexistence or Panchsheel was evolved
- Mutual respect for each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty
- Mutual non-aggression
- Mutual non-interference in each other’s internal affairs
- Equality and mutual benefit
- Peaceful co-existence
- India was in a critical role in the establishment of the Non-Alignment Movement (NAM)
- The Second phase (1962-71): Decade of Realism and Recovery
- Post 1962 war: India made pragmatic choices on security and political challenges.
- Looked beyond NAM: India concluded a forgotten defence agreement with the US in 1964.
- India’s external pressures on Kashmir (Tashkent agreement 1965): US and UK.
- Agreement did not contain a no-war pact/renunciation of Pakistan’s aggression in Kashmir
- India now started tilting toward USSR
- The Third phase (1971-91): Greater Indian Regional Assertion
- India’s remarkable use of hard power: Contribution in liberation of Bangladesh in 1971.
- Complex phase of US-China-Pakistan: This threatened India’s prospects as a regional power.
- Indo–Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation 1971 was signed.
- Major Soviet contribution: The construction of shipbuilding and ship-repair facilities at Bombay on the west coast and at Visakhapatnam on the east coast.
- India get sanctions from US and its allies: after Peaceful Pokhran I test in 1974.
- Collapse of the USSR, Gulf War, Economic Stagnation: BoP crisis in India (1991).
- The Fourth phase (1991-98): Safeguarding Strategic Autonomy
- Unipolar world (USA): India changed its approach to world affairs
- Quest for strategic autonomy: Focused on securing nuclear weapon(Pokhran II)
- India engaged with the US, Israel and ASEAN more intensively.
- The Gujral Doctrine:
- With neighbours like Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka, India does not ask for reciprocity but gives and accommodates what it can in good faith and trust.
- No South Asian country should allow its territory to be used against the interest of another country in the region.
- No country should interfere in the internal affairs of another.
- All South Asian countries must respect each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty.
- They should settle all their disputes through peaceful bilateral negotiations.
- Application of Gujral Doctrine
- Mahakali River Project was gifted to Nepal,
- Freezing of border disputes with China
- Ganga Water sharing agreement with Bangladesh in 1996 allowed it to withdraw more water than even what 1977 agreement allowed.
- People-to-people contact between India and Pakistan were increased by easing visa restrictions.
- The Fifth phase (1998-2013): India, a Balancing Power
- India’s search for energy security to ensure its current rate of economic growth.
- India gradually became a balancing power (against the rise of China).
- Reflected in India-US nuclear deal (123 Agreement).
- India has common cause with China on climate change, consolidated ties with Russia: BRICS, a major global forum.
- The Sixth phase (2013-Present): Energetic Engagement
- Transitional geopolitics: India’s policy of NAM outdated: Focus on Multi Alignment
- Prioritizing an integrated neighbourhood; i.e. “neighbourhood First.”
- NATO ally like status to India
- Bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC)
- Membership of groups like NSG, Australian group, Wassenar arrangement etc
- India’s Look East policy has morphed into a proactive Act East policy, which envisages accelerated across-the-board engagement between the two growth poles of a vibrant Asia
- Commerce, Culture and Connectivity (3Cs) are the three pillars of India’s robust engagement with ASEAN
- Moulding WTO: So as to benefit India’s agriculture and services sector along with other developing nations.
- Project Mausam would allow India to re-establish its ties with its ancient trade partners and re-establish an “Indian Ocean world” along the littoral of the Indian Ocean.
- India, more aware of its capabilities and expectations.
- Being among the major economies of the world.
- Ability to create and sustain global technology.
- Shaping key global negotiations (Paris Conference).
- SAGAR initiative: Asserting beyond South Asia
- Containing Pakistan from supporting the menace of terrorism.
How India’s foreign policy should take shape in current world
- Pragmatic issue-based alignments: countries big and small
- Purposeful Pursuit of national interests
- Proactive diplomatic outreach
- Shaper: not an abstainer
- Stabiliser: rather than a disruptor
Emerging Challenges
- A Stronger China: China is the only major country that had a positive growth rate at the end of 2020, and its economy is poised to grow even faster in 2021. Militarily, it’s getting stronger and strained Sino-China relation is a concern.
- Growing Russia-China Axis: The sanctions imposed on Russia after Crimea’s annexation has pushed Russia towards a tighter embrace of China. This seems to signal reduced interest in countries such as India.
- Growing India-US proximity: Also, India’s closeness to the U.S. has weakened its links with traditional friends such as Russia and Iran.
- Changing Middle East Equations:
- Even after Abraham Accords, the situation remains fluid and has not reduced the risk of a confrontation between Iran and Israel.
- Iran could well be tempted to use its nuclear capability to enhance its position. This does pose problems for India since both have relations with it.
- India’s tilt toward Israel is shift from traditional stance.
- Self-Imposed Isolation of India: Currently, India remains isolated from two important supranational bodies of which it used to be a founding member, viz., the NAM and the SAARC.
- Moreover, India has opted out of the RCEP.
- This self-imposed isolation doesn’t synergise with India’s aspiration of becoming a global power.
- Weakening Ties with Neighbours: This can be seen from instances like China’s Cheque Book Diplomacy vis-a-vis Sri-Lanka, strain in relation with Bangladesh on NRC issue and recent border controversy with Nepal due to the release of the new map.
- Climate Change: Climate change is getting prominence in every international talk. It is getting important in foreign policy
Impact of Covid-19 on India’s Foreign Policy
- Regional Primacy: India’s traditional primacy in the region was built on a mix of material aid, political influence and historical ties. Now, India’s ability is declining, to materially help the neighbourhood in the wake of Covid-19.
- Chinese Intrusion into India’s Strategic Space: The second wave of Covid-19 has quickened this process, as India’s ability to stand up to China stands vastly diminished today in material power, in terms of balance of power considerations, and political will.
- Less spending on military: Covid-19, will prevent any ambitious military spending or modernisation plans and limit the country’s attention on global diplomacy and regional geopolitics.
- Affecting India’s Engagement with Quad: With reduced military spending and lesser diplomatic attention to regional geopolitics, India’s ability to project power and contribute to the growth of the Quad will be uncertain.
- Economics Affecting Geo-politics: Covid-19 has led to a general economic distress, a fall in FDI and industrial production, and a rise in unemployment will also limit India’s strategic ambitions.
- US-China Relations: With the rise of China and India’s Covid-19-related troubles could prompt the US to normalise relations with China.
- India-China Relations: Impact of COVID-19’s devastating return and the damage it has done would be that India might be forced to be more conciliatory towards China.
- India-US Relations: A post-COVID-19 India might find it harder to resist demands of a closer military relationship with the U.S.
Way Forward
- Strong economic foundation: For the Aspiration to be a global power, India need to build a strong economic foundation.
- Reinvigoration of SAARC: Covid-19 will also open up new regional opportunities for cooperation especially under the ambit of SAARC.
- Building an institutional framework: That can engage in long-term strategic thinking and strengthening the economic and military building blocks of India’s comprehensive national power.
- Realizing soft power diplomacy: Hard power only is not sufficient; vaccine diplomacy is one of the ways of strengthening influence and engaging with other countries.
- Maintain strategic autonomy: Bedrock of policy thinking.
- India needs to make more assertive participation in events of geopolitical significance.
- Be more proactive and vocal in the external arena: Fulfilment of superpower role in world forum should be looked at.
- Incorporating defence diplomacy in the overall diplomacy: Needs improvement in coordination between the ministries of defence and external affairs and the armed forces. Such coordination so far has been ad hoc and inadequate.
- The US-China trade war: India should devise strategies not only to exploit the new opportunities but also to safeguard it against dangers.
- Use interest-based diplomacy: Align with country of more strategic interest and common aim.
- Formidable climate change policy: India must safeguard its position, first by acting on areas that essentially promote the country’s interest. For example, the shift from fossil fuels to renewable clean sources, to ensure energy security in the future.
Conclusion
As part of the ideational restructuring of India’s foreign policy, what is urgently required, apart from competent statecraft, is the adoption of prudent policies, pursuit of realistically achievable objectives, and, above all, a demonstration of continuity of policy, irrespective of changes in the nature of the Administration.